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Gilens, M. Testing theories of american politics: elites, interest groups, and average citizens. Herman, E. New York, NY: Pantheon. Herring, E. Too polemical or too critical?

Political communication in postmodern democracy : challenging the primacy of politics

Chomsky on the study of the US news media and US foreign policy. Klaehn, J. Media theory, public relevance and the propaganda model today. Media Theory 2,— McChesney, R. Meyer, H. January Mosco, V. The Political Economy of Communication.


London: Sage. Mullen, A. Twenty years on: the second-order prediction of the herman-chomsky propaganda model. Media Cult. The propaganda model and sociology: understanding the media and society.

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Synaesthesia 1, 10— Parenti, M. New York, NY: St. Martin's Press.

Democracy for the Few. Monopoly Media Manipulation. Spring , 13, 56— London: University of Westminster Press. Servaes, J. Introduction: hope or despair. Gazette 78, — Srnicek, N. The challenges of platform capitalism: Understanding the logic of a new business model. Juncture 23, — Wasko, J. Zollmann, F.

  • Challenging the Primacy of Politics.
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Bringing propaganda back into news media studies. The propaganda model and intersectionality: integrating separate paradigms.

Political Communication in Postmodern Democracy

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Suggest a Research Topic. Introduction The mendacious and harmful presidency of Donald Trump and the limping Brexit saga exemplify worrying trends in the world today. Overcoming Political Communication's Weaknesses and Limitations To grapple with pertinent limitations of the current subfield of Political Communication, one needs look no further than the recent outcry by its deacon, Lance W. Considering foreign news, for instance, Herring and Robinson acutely observed more than 15 years ago that The standard liberal myth of the news media in the West—that it is independent of elite interests and provides the people with the information necessary to ensure that they can hold elites and in particular governments to democratic account—is rejected widely by academics who study the news media and US foreign policy… the most common and empirically substantiated perspective is that, with respect to coverage of US foreign policy, on balance, the US media serve elite interests and undermine democracy.

They rightly warn that … many democratic societies are suffering profound challenges related to the legitimacy of institutions, the incoherence of publics, the rise of disinformation, and the limited reach of once-authoritative information flows from the legacy media. Insightfully, they emphasize the importance of normative theory aimed at revealing how communication may help shape conditions for more vibrant democracies.

The strategy frame has become a leading angle in political coverage of both political campaigns and policy battles, usually at the expense of news about concrete differences in, and the potential resolution of, issue positions between candidates or policymakers see, for example, Jamieson, ; Kerbel, ; Lawrence, ; Patterson, Political news coverage has — allegedly — undergone profound changes in the past decades.

For a purportedly reflective lecture, it was remarkably accusatory. Howard was questioned about a meeting between himself and the Director General of the Prison Service in which he was said to have forced the latter to sack the Governor of Parkhurst prison. Again Howard ducked the issue. Contemporary politicians face immense rhetorical and communicative challenges.

Performing on the intertwined stages of politics, media including the Internet and everyday life, they need to master diverse and contrasting repertoires of talk. Nowhere is this challenge more pertinent than in the many genres of infotainment that popular television offers. The combination of entertainment and information that defines talk shows, satire and comedy requires a much wider range of communicative styles than a public speech, a journalistic interview or an intervention in parliament.

Performing a convincing political persona in these contexts requires continuous and effortless shifts from anecdote to analysis, emotion to reason, polemic to moderation, personal to political, serious to humorous and back again. Political participation has traditionally been considered an important indicator of democratic citizenship: think voting or being knowledgeable about relevant issues.

Books by Katrin Voltmer (Author of Public Policy and the Mass Media)

Citizens are usually juxtaposed with consumers: the former are seen as being more conscious and active and the latter politically disinterested and passive. The pervasiveness of the Internet in society has led to much speculation about its consequences for journalism and, more generally, the political engagement of citizens. While there have been some dramatic changes for journalists and professional news organizations as a result of technological developments, it is the discussion around participation of the non-professional in the journalistic process that has moved to the fore.

As free and easy-to-use online publishing has significantly lowered the threshold for participation in public communication, people without access to printing presses or television networks have started to engage in distributing information in all possible flavours over the Internet. Whether they are called citizens, consumers, publics or audiences, most people have historically tended to be, to a greater or lesser degree, on the receiving end in their relationship with politics and media. In recent decades, there have been sizable changes in Western Europe in how people relate to political parties and the media.

Talking politics in the net-based public sphere. In: Brants, K and Voltmer, K , eds. Palgrave Macmillan , Basingstoke, England , pp. ISBN